Friday, 30 May 2014

#MCMC probing insulting postings on Raja-Raja Melayu


MAY 30, 2014

Several individuals are being sought by the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) for insulting the Malay rulers.

MCMC chairman Datuk Mohamed Sharil Tarmizi said several derogatory remarks were posted on social media after the Sultan of Perak passed away.

The late Sultan of Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah, passed away at 1.30pm on Wednesday at the National Heart Institute in Kuala Lumpur. He was 86.

His eldest son, Raja Nazrin Shah, was proclaimed as the 35th Sultan of Perak.

"We are working to trace the individuals responsible for the derogatory postings and appeal to the public to assist MCMC," Sharil said in a brief statement today.

"This is not an issue to be taken lightly and action will be taken against these irresponsible individuals under the Multimedia and Communications Act 1998."

Under Section 233(1)(a) of the Multimedia and Communications Act 1998, a person can be sentenced up to a year's jail and fined RM50,000.

In June 2012, a 29-year-old engineer was given the maximum sentence by the Sessions Court for posting comments deemed insulting to the Sultan of Perak.

Chan Hon Keong was sentenced to a year's jail and fined RM50,000, in lieu of five month's jail.

It is the maximum sentence provided under Section 233(1)(a) of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998.

Chan had been charged with improper use of network facilities or service by knowingly posting comments that insulted the Sultan on the website.

In November last year, a mobile phone shop owner was fined RM15,000 for insulting Sultan Azlan Shah in 2009.

Rutinin Suhaimin, 41, from Ranau, was found guilty of posting remarks insulting Sultan Azlan Shah on a blog on February 13, 2009. – May 30, 2014.

Hope the MCMC people will trace the culprits and bring them to justice.

I like this:

Man jailed a year, fined RM50,000 for insulting Perak Sultan

Pening atau tidak tahu mengenai GST?

GST = Goods & Service Tax (Cukai Barang dan Perkhidmatan)

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Thursday, 29 May 2014

Sembah Takziah diatas kemangkatan Sultan Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah. Alfatihah.

Sembah Takziah diatas kemangkatan Sultan Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah. Alfatihah.
Sultan Azlan Shah 1928 - 2014

Sultan Azlan Shah, a wise ruler

IPOH: The Sultan of Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah, 86, who passed away yesterday, was known as a wise and intelligent figure, and the only ruler who had held the top post as Lord President in the country's judiciary.

Remembered as a stern and firm Lord President (1982-1984) before be became sultan, he was also known as a compassionate, concerned and forgiving ruler.

Sultan Azlan Shah who was born on April 19, 1928 in Kampung Manggis, Batu Gajah, Perak was also known as someone who placed importance on discipline, cleanliness and punctuality.

He was a child of Sultan Yussuf Izzuddin Shah ibni Almarhum Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah (reigned 1948-1963) and his commoner wife, Toh Puan Dewangsa Hatijah Ahmad.

Sultan Azlan Shah had his early education at the Batu Gajah Government English School, now known as SMK Sultan Yussuf, and continued his secondary schooling at the prestigious Malay College Kuala Kangsar.

He then studied for his law degree at the University of Nottingham, United Kingdom and graduated in 1953, and was admitted to the English Bar by the
Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn on Nov 23, 1954.

Upon his return to then Malaya, Sultan Azlan Shah began his career in 1954 as Assistant State Secretary of Perak before joining the Malayan judicial and
legal service one year later.

In 1956, he was appointed as first class magistrate and then served as Sessions Court president, federal counsel, deputy public prosecutor, state legal adviser of Pahang and later Johor, registrar of the High Court of Malaya and chief registrar of the Federal Court of Malaysia.

In 1965, he became the youngest High Court judge in the Commonwealth at the age of 37. In 1973, he was made a Federal Court judge and in 1979, was appointed as Chief Justice of Malaya.

He reached the pinnacle of his career in the judiciary when he was appointed as the youngest-ever Lord President of the Federal Court of Malaysia on Nov 12, 1982.

He resigned in 1984 after being in the judicial and legal service for 30 years when he was elevated to the Perak royal throne.

The then Raja Azlan Shah was installled as the Raja Muda (Crown Prince) of Perak on July 1, 1983 but within six months on Feb 3, 1984, he succeeded Sultan Idris Shah II following the latter's demise.

On April 26, 1989, Sultan Azlan Shah was installed as the ninth Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King) of Malaysia. He served the full five-year term and
returned as Sultan of Perak in 1994.

He was active in sports in his young days and competed in hockey, football, athletics and cricket, and was later involved in sports bodies. He was the chef de mission of the Malaysian contingent to the Olympic Games in Montreal, Canada in 1976.

The late Perak Sultan was particularly active in hockey where he was president of the Malaysian Hockey Federation until 2005, was once vice-president of the International Hockey Federation and president of the Asian Hockey Federation until his demise.

The Sultan Azlan Shah Hockey Tournament, named after him, is an annual hockey tournament held in Ipoh, the Perak capital city.

In the field of education, Sultan Azlan Shah had been the chancellor of Universiti Malaya (UM) since 1986, was pro-chancellor of Universiti Sain Malaysia (USM) from October 1971 until February 1984, and chairman of the Higher Education Advisory Council (November 1974-October 1976).

He was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Literature by UM in 1979 and Honorary Doctorate in Law by USM in 1980.

Sultan Azlan Shah was also recognised by several foreign universities including University of Nottingham (Hon. Doctor of Law, 1986), Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok (Hon. Doctor of Law, 1990), Royal College of Physicians of Ireland (Hon. Fellow, 1991) and Royal College of Surgeons of England (Hon.Fellow, 1999).

He was the royal patron of several student, graduate, professional and charitable associations and clubs including the Malaysian Law Society in Great Britain and Eire, British Graduates Association, Academy of Medicine of Malaysia, WWF-Malaysia and Ipoh Royal Club.

Sultan Azlan Shah leaves his consort, Raja Permaisuri Perak Tuanku Bainun, and five children, the Regent of Perak Raja Dr Nazrin Shah, the late Raja Ashman Shah, Raja Azureen, Raja Eleena and Raja Yong Sofia. - BERNAMA

KUALA LUMPUR: Sultan Azlan Shah was a man of great intelligence and respected in the legal fraternity.

Being a former Lord President, his simplicity in legal writing was much noted by legal practitioners.

Chief Justice Tan Sri Arifin Zakaria said the late Ruler’s judgments were simple yet systematic.

“He wrote a lot of judgments when he became a High Court judge and it is still good law,” the country’s top judge said.

He said Sultan Azlan Shah was very knowledgeable in law and had written landmark decisions on public and constitutional law.

Justice Arifin cited one, a written judgment in the case of Pengarah Tanah dan Galian Wilayah Persekutuan v Sri Lempah Enterprise Sdn Bhd (1979) when the Sultan was acting Chief Judge of Malaya.

“It is related to land matters. The land director acted in excess of his powers and his ruling was declared unlawful,” he said.

Sultan Azlan Shah’s famous citation in the land matter can be found in many case laws:
“Every legal power must have legal limits, otherwise there is dictatorship....”

“The courts are the only defence of the liberty of the subject against department aggression.

“In these days when government departments and public authorities have such great powers and influence, this is a most important safeguard for an ordinary citizen: so that the courts can see that these great powers and influence are exercised in accordance with the law.”

Justice Arifin, who had worked as Perak Legal Adviser for five years, said he had known Sultan Azlan Shah since 1976 when he (Arifin) became assistant registrar of the High Court here.

“He was then a Federal Court judge. He was very patient and would not interrupt when you made submissions before him.

“As Lord President, he displayed the same attitude,” said Justice Arifin, who expressed the judiciary’s condolences to the Perak royal family.

Retired Federal Court judge Datuk Seri Gopal Sri Ram also noted that Sultan Azlan Shah had good judicial temperament.

“He was also deeply interested in every aspect of law and his judgments were entitled to great respect,” he said.

“He wrote in simple English and that era of judgments that had both style and content is now gone forever. Some of the judgments being written now are woefully inadequate (in comparison),” said Sri Ram, who is now a lawyer.

Almarhum Sultan Azlan Shah was truly a Towering Malay and a Towering Malaysian.

Wednesday, 21 May 2014

Ex-DAP Towering Malay Tunku Aziz tell @dyanasmd to open her eyes and see the real DAP

After Lim Kit Siang realised that getting 90% support from Cina minorities in PRU12 and PRU13 can't get DAP any closer to Putrajaya  and there has to be a radical thinking in the way that DAP do its business, they have to find gullible and naive young Malays who would do the talking while they do the thinking. So out come Dyana Sofya now New  DAP hope to rake in the Malay votes for the DAP in PRU14

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I don't think putting up a young Malay to be candidate will win the Malay votes for DAP will be successful, for one thing it is insulting not to mention shallow to put up a young Malay who has not gone through the political process to become an MP, you DAP guys think Malays are that stupid and gullible ka? We may be a tolerant people, but do not confuse tolerance with ignorance Ok. This video so perfectly illustrate Sofya's naivety and Lim Kit Siang dominance over what she say or do:

Talking about Tunku Aziz who left the DAP in a huff after he found out who these these people really are, see what he pesan to Sofya:

Tunku Aziz pesan Dyana buka mata dan fikir apa DAP buat

21 MEI: Calon DAP, Dyana Sofya Mohd Daud harus membuka mata dan belajar untuk berfikir secara kritis dan melihat dengan lebih luas bagi memastikan beliau tidak terus hanyut dengan corak permainan politik parti itu.

Malah. Dyana perlu meneliti sebab atau punca mengapa bekas pemimpin DAP mengambil keputusan untuk meninggalkan parti cauvinis itu sebelum ini

Itu antara ingatan dan nasihat bekas Timbalan Presiden DAP, Tunku Abdul Aziz Tunku Ibrahim ketika diajukan berkenaan calon DAP bagi PRK Teluk Intan, Dyana Sofya yang mula mencuri tumpuan banyak pihak.

“Nasihat saya kepadanya, sentiasa buka mata dan sentiasa mendengar. Juga lihat kepada setiap langkah dan keputusan yang diambil DAP, dan lihat juga langkah kamu (Dyana) sendiri adakah kamu mempertahankan keistimewaan Melayu itu sendiri.

“Kenapa saya cakap begini, ini kerana DAP sudah lama mengatakan bahawa mereka tidak menentang Melayu, dan mereka adalah parti berbilang kaum, tapi saya rasa semua tahu bahawa DAP bukan satu parti yang demokratik,” katanya kepada

Menurut Tunku Abdul Aziz, Dyana perlu belajar untuk melihat dengan ‘critical eye’, dia juga perlu belajar melihat kepada larger interest of the Malays.

“Dia juga seorang Melayu dan dia juga cakap bahawa dia tidak mahu kepada perbezaan kaum dalam politik.

“Sebenarnya pada saya, apa yang dia cakap itu hanyalah suara yang selama ini Lim Kit Siang cakap, Lim Guan Eng cakap dan juga apa juga mendiang Karpal Singh selalu cakap, tetapi hakikatnya parti untuk kaum Cina,” jelasnya.

Menjawab soalan katanya, Dyana sudah mengkhianati orang Melayu apabila sudah meningkari janjinya untuk tidak mengkhianati Malaysia dengan kenyataan supaya membuka kemasukkan pelajar di Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM) tidak hanya untuk orang Melayu.

Beliau juga menyifatkan, nasihat yang dikeluarkan Ketua Wanita UMNO, Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil semalam selepas selesai proses penamaan calon di Teluk Intan tidak diserap baik oleh anak muda itu.

“Dia sudah menjadi pengkhianat pun pada hakikatnya dengan kenyataan untuk membuka UiTM kepada semua kaum, sebab kerajaan selama ini mengusahakan untuk menyediakan pendidikan kelas pertama kepada kaum Melayu.

“Paling tidak sepatutnya dia fikir berkenaan orang Melayu yang lain, jangan sebab dia sudah ada ijazah dan sudah tidak belajar di situ lagi maka saya tidak perlu fikir lagi berkenaan orang lain,”

Actually Dyana and the other young Malays who is inspired to join the DAP should really find out what the DAP is really all about. Find out why until now they have majority members in the CEC who are Chinese and find out why some of them like Lee Lam Thye and Wee Choo Keong left the party.

If you don't like how UMNO or BN run the country why not group a third force of like minded young people and form a political party and speak your mind, no need to join the DAP and be used as a novelty to regurgitate what Kit Siang says.

Thursday, 15 May 2014

TOWARDS A SHARED DESTINY by Professor Shad Saleem Faruqi (Talk on 7 May 2014)

'I wish to quote Prophet Muhammad: “Four things support the world: the learning of the wise, the justice of the great, the prayers of the good, and the valor of the brave”,
Be one of these four and May Allah bless you'
Professor Shad Saleem Faruqi

Is Professor Faruqi in the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) ? if not yet, he should:

Shad Saleem Faruqi


FROM 1957 to 1969 and, (despite the trauma of 1969), for about two decades thereafter, we can say with confidence that Malaysia was regarded by many Asian and African societies as an exemplar of how a deeply divided, plural society can survive and thrive politically, economically and socially. Till about a decade ago, we would have compared favourably with India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Mynmar, Philippines, Thailand, Greece, Cyprus, Lebanon, the US before the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the UK up to the late seventies.     

Despite the obsession with race and religion in public discourse, we have made many strides towards nationhood since 1957.

  • The identification of race with social and economic function has been weakened.  
  • The vibrant economy has united our disparate racial groups.
  • Sabah and Sarawak have given to pluralism a territorial dimension.
  • Malaysia has successfully used the economy to create and maintain social harmony. By encouraging entrepreneurship and allowing the minority communities to provide leadership in the economic arena,  twin objectives have been achieved:  the economy has developed fabulously. Every community has acquired a stake in the country.

Not all is well, however

Sadly, since the nineties racial and religious polarization has reached alarming levels. We have become a “nation of strangers”. In many corners of the world walls of separation are being dismantled. Sadly, in our society these walls are being fortified. Recently the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, an advisory body of the US Government, has placed us on Tier 2 of a Watch List over concerns about limitations in Malaysia on freedom of religion.  

To this bleak picture two qualifications must be added.

One, some of the racial and religious discord that exists in our society is a natural process of democratic freedoms. As a transforming society opens up, pent up feelings are expressed, often in ways that are deeply hurtful to others.

Second, many of the conflicts between the Muslims and non-Muslims of this country are actually not about Islam versus non-Islamic religions but about a resurgent Eastern society seeking an alternative to the hegemony of “Western” values. For example conservative Malay-Muslim hostility towards gambling, drinking, free sex, drug-laced music concerts, same-sex marriages, homosexuality, a free-wheeling media, over-sexualisation of female dressing, separation of religion and morality and extolling of a secular way of life are not necessarily reflective of a clash between Islam on one side and Confucianism, Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism and other religions on the other but a clash of traditional Eastern values with the hedonistic, media-driven culture of the dominant North Atlantic colonial nations..  

There is wide gap between the theory and reality of the Constitution

If we read about the making of the Constitution, we will see that by far and large the forefathers of our Constitution were animated by a remarkable vision and optimism of a shared destiny among the various peoples of the Peninsula.

“Out of Many, One” was perhaps their creed. Their life was enlightened by a spirit of accommodation, compassion and tolerance. They abjured ideological purity of the political, economic and religious type. They walked the middle path of moderation. They gave to every community a stake in the nation.  No group received an absolute monopoly of power or wealth. Every community received something to relish and cherish. Pluralism was accepted as a way of life and the unity that was sought was a unity in diversity.  

The Constitution, even in its “ethnic provisions” sought to avoid extreme measures and provided for a balance between the interests of the “Bumiputera” and “non-Bumiputera” communities. Fifty-seven years ago, a pact, an understanding, a  “social contract” was forged between the Malays and the non-Malays. In 1963, with the birth of Malaysia, a new pact was drawn up to safeguard the interests of Sabah and Sarawak.   

Regrettably the Constitution’s “social contracts” of 1957 and 1963 are not being fully observed. The public sector as well as the private sector and all sides of the racial and religious divide are culpable of causing breaches. A few examples may illustrate the point.

Article 153: This Article was about affirmative action for the weak, and not about racial exclusiveness or racial superiority or ketuanan Melayu. In reality, however, overzealousness prevails. Affirmative action under Article 153 has metamorphosed into something else that is not easily possible to defend under constitutional jurisprudence. In some areas racism has become institutionalised.

Article 11(4): This Article permits State legislatures to enact laws to control or restrict the propogation of any religious doctrine or belief among Muslims. Most States have enacted such laws. Though Article 11(4) is broadly phrased, its primary purpose was to prevent conversion of Malays to Christianity due to the global reach and influence of Christian evangelists. By far and large, Article 11(4)’s restrictions have been observed. But now and then, stories of Muslim apostasy break the calm. Missionary work amongst Muslim children and critically sick Muslim patients in hospitals is not unknown. Bibles are discretely placed in hotel rooms. These proselytising activities cause disputes now and then. For example in April 2014, the Pahang Malay and Islamic Customs Council (MUIP) barred non-Islamic materials and symbols from the guest rooms and public reading areas of all the 147 hotels in the State. The MCA questioned this ban immediately and did not take Article 11(4) into consideration.  
Article 152(1)(a):This Article provides that the Malay language shall be the national language and shall be used for all official purposes. However, no person shall be prohibited from using (other than for an official purpose) or from teaching or learning any other langauage. The Court in Merdeka University Bhd v Government [1982] 2 MLJ 243 has distinguished between the right to learn a language and the right to learn in a language.This means that under the Constitution there is a protected right to teach and learn a language as a subject but there is no constitutional right that the language be used as a medium of instruction. Vernacular schools are permitted by the Education Act but they are not a constitutional right despite what some political parties represent.

In many other areas, the demagogues, the racists and extremists of all communities are preaching their own sectarian interpretation of our “document of destiny” and are fanning fears and suspicions. Extremism has become mainstream and moderation is seen as capitulation to other races and religions and as a betrayal of one’s own community.

Within society, extremist race and religious organisations are mushrooming. It will not be proper to call for their ban. They have a right to exist under the Constitution. But the authorities must ensure that  (i) other moderate organisations are allowed to exist and function without unfair restrictions and (ii) the law is applied fairly and equally to all and there is no selective prosecution where transgressions of the law take place.
Inter-religious disputes are intensifying

  • Around the world, attempts at proseylitisation often result in violent reactions. Malaysia has mostly been able to avoid religious riots but tensions remain high due to intense competition between Islamic dakwah and Christian missionary activities in regions inhabited by the orang asli and by the natives of Sabah and Sarawak.
  • The use of the word “Allah” by West Malaysian Christians has aroused the anger of many Peninsular Muslims. The argument by some Christians that the word “Allah” is central to Christian faith and restrictions on its usage will hinder freedom of religion has not convinced Muslims, most of whom suspect that the new-found veneration for the word Allah in Christian dialogue is an adroit attempt to circumvent the pre-Merdeka restriction contained in Article 11(4) on propagation of other religions to Muslims.
  • Some Muslims allege that the constitutional limitation on preaching to Muslims in Article 11(4) is often  adroitly evaded or ignored.
  • The occassional case of Muslim apostasy causes much tension.        
  • There are disputes pertaining to the religious status of a deceased. Muslim authorities are known occassionally to seize dead bodies for Muslim burial.
  • Recently, JAIS, in clear disregard of the Constitution and of the sensitivities of Christians, raided a Christian place of worship and seemingly served notice that non-Muslim places of worship are subject to monitoring by Islamic authorities. Earlier, it had raided a Christian place of worship because of the suspicion that proselytisation was taking place.
  • Recently there was the incredible allegation of a “Christian conspiracy to take over the country”.
  • There are unedifying and unsolvable problems of custody and conversion of infants when in a non-Muslim marriage, one party converts to Islam.
  • There are seemingly irreconcilable jurisdictional disputes between syariah and civil courts (something which is quite common in every country with legal pluralism).  
  • Islamisation of all aspects of life is proceeding at a rapid pace and this is impacting on non-Muslims. Moral policing is resulting in imposition of Islamic values on others.
  • The dispute about whether Malaysia is an Islamic or secular state flares up now and then.
  • The drive towards implementation of hudud is scaring all non-Muslims and many Muslims. Some Muslim groups like ISMA are alleging that non-Muslims have no right to comment on the gathering momentum for hudud.
  • Many Muslims allege that non-Muslim dominated NGOs raise their voice of concern, and rightly so, in many areas of human rights concern. Regrettably they are thunderously silent when Muslims in Palestine, the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Kashmir and Iran are brutalised, demonised and dehumanised.

There is considerable intra-racial discord

Besides inter-religious and inter-racial disharmony we are lately witnessing a fairly high degree of intra-racial and intra-religious discord. The voices of hate against “deviationists”, “liberals” Shias and those who are “traitors to their race and religion” have reached  strident proportions.
The internet and social media are being abused to fan hatred

Hate speech on the internet and “social media” is widespread and does much damage to inter-ethnic and interreligious relations.

What, then, is  needed to restore unity?

As we approach 57 years of political freedom, what can we do to restore moderation, to recapture the spirit of 1957 and to reintroduce our winning formula for living together? We must remember that every journey of a thousand miles begins with one small step. Let all idealists be aware that it will not be easy to roll back a tide of racism that now runs deep and is becoming stronger.     

I have no simple solutions, just some stray thoughts of a whole calculus of factors.

1. Improve constitutional literacy

We need to improve knowledge of the Constitution’s glittering generalities, especially its provisions on inter-ethnic relations. The lack of familiarity with the basic charter’s provisions is glaring even within the top echelons of the civil service, the police, parliamentarians and politicians.  Their constitutional literacy must be improved.
Our secondary schools and universities must have a familiarization course on the basic features of the Constitution and the reasons for the many delicate compromises contained therein. Knowledge of the Constitution is a prerequisite to good citizenship. Such knowledge will also help to moderate extremism and to give appreciation of one of the world’s most unique and hitherto successful experiments in peaceful co-existence in a nation of dazzling diversity.

2. We need need to go back to the spirit of 1957

As a nation we are farther apart today than we were 57 years ago. Knowledge of the Constitution’s delicate provisions dealing with inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations can help to provide some understanding of the give and take that lay at the basis of our supreme law.

If we have to go forward as a united nation, we need to go back to the spirit of moderation, accommodation and compassion that animated the body politic in 1957.   

3. We must provide a new statutory, institutional framework for reconciling race and religious conflicts

Conflicts are unavoidable in any vibrant society. What is necessary is to reconcile them with the least friction and to provide appropriate remedies when rights are infringed.

It is time to consider a new legislative initiative. A National Harmony Act (or a Race and Religious Relations Act or a Maintenance of Religious Harmony  Act) should be drafted after wide consultation.

The National Unity Council should be upgraded to a statutory status (much like the Race Relations Boards of the UK) or converted to a statutory Community Mediation Council. Perhaps there should also be  a statutory Inter-Faith Council whose job should be to foster dialogue over all that unites us and to seek tolerance and compassion towards all that divides us. Race relations training should be part of the agenda. The Community Mediation Council as well as the Inter-Faith Council could be incorporated into a new National Harmony Act.

All in all, the new National Harmony Act should have a triple purpose.

First, to administer cautions and warnings whenever peace is poisoned by hate speech or actions. Second, to try to bring parties together through education and conciliation.To this end, a Community Mediation Council could be set up. Singapore offers such an example.  Third, to impose sanctions as a matter of last resort when conciliation fails. Sanctions, when imposed, need not be custodial. Community-service, injunctions and damages may be better alternatives.     

4. We must promote interfaith studies

In schools, colleges and universities, interfaith studies should be encouraged as a step towards understanding, tolerance and unity. Most prejudices are born out of ignorance. With greater knowledge and understanding we learn that it is not differences that cause disunity. It is intolerance of differences that leads to disunity and violence.  We have to teach people that the primitive ethic of tribalism, racism or religious exclusiveness has no place in modern society. The circle of life has expanded. We are all brothers and sisters on this big blue marble. Unfortunately we seem to be doing the opposite.

In our homes, classrooms and workplaces we have to teach our wards and brethren that justice is the highest virtue. Justice is impossible unless we try to be objective. Objectivity is impossible unless we are prepared to be subjective from the other person’s point of view! This entails that we must consciously try to view the world through the other person’s lenses, to step into the shoes of the other, to feel his or her pain. In sum we should, as the Bible says, do unto others as we wish to be done unto us. Or as Prophet Muhammad says: “No man is a true believer unless he desireth for his brother that which he desireth for himself”.

I believe that just as religion is a divisive force it can also be a great uniting force for justice. (Refer to Martin Luther King’s query to his brother pastors about what Christianity says on racial discrimination). I came across a quotations from Prophet Muhammad which I wish to share with you.

Shall I not inform you of a better act than fasting, alms and prayers? Making peace between one another: enmity and malice tear up heavenly rewards by the roots”.    

5. Subject to the Article 153 quotas, racial discrimination must be prohibited in both public and private sectors

In both the public and private sectors, ethnicity reigns supreme. We are caught up in a vicious circle. The absence of a Civil Rights Act or a Race Relations Act prevents sanctions against ethnic discrimination that transgresses constitutional provisions.  Both sides of the divide are to blame for ignoring the painstaking compromises and the gilt-edged provisions of the Constitution. Lack of legal literacy about the Constitution contributes to the eclipsing of the basic law. For example Article 136 (on non-discrimination in the public services) is obviously ignored. Under the Constitution’s Article 153(5), Article 136’s equality clause is not overiden by Article 153. Applicants to Chinese dominated private sector enterprises are often asked at interviews: “How good is your Mandarin?”

The prohibition of unconstitutional discrimination must be incorporated into the National Harmony Act. I do not recommend the nomenclature of an Equality Act or a Non-Discrimination Act as these will be viewed by the critics as anti-Malay.  

6. Depoliticise implementation of Article 153 programmes

On another note the implementation of Article 153 policies by civil servants and politicians has not worked well. We need an impartial, professional body (like an Affirmative Action Board) to handle this aspect of our social transformation.

7. As fellow-citizens, we must build bridges, not walls

It is time for building ethnic bridges and dismantling walls; for healing and reconciliation; and for developing a vision of unity.  I couldn’t say it better than Datuk Azlina Aziz (wife of Datuk Seri Nazir Razak). “It is time for engagement, for listening, for cutting the invisible barbed wires that separate ‘them’ and ‘us’ and extending a hand over the divide to those who may disagree with your views but have as much of a stake and future in the country as you do”.  

On our part, we ordinary citizens need to be more humble and accommodating towards each other. We need to recognise that disagreements are natural. Truth is multiple. Everything we hear is an opinion, not a fact. Everything we see is a perspective, not the truth.

We need to distinguish between racism (which is hatred for others) and race-consciousness which is a positive desire to help the upliftment of a community.  

8. Our educational system must be revamped

An educational system must nurture tolerance, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. It must bring the learners together, not separate them on grounds of race, religion or language. If young people do not learn together, how will they live together?

The ethnic diversity of school teachers and school principals must be restored.

We must use school sports as a uniting force.  

9. The federal-state division of powers often prevents remedial action

In the light of the recent JAIS raid, it is clear that interfaith and interracial institutions and procedures must exist not only at federal but also state levels.

Perhaps the Conference of Rulers can play a significant role in this area to build bridges of understanding .    

10. Declaration on Religious & Racial Harmony

Similar to the Rukun Negara let us put our heads together to draft such a Declaration. It will act as a polestar for executive and judicial action and will exert normative influence on citizens

11. Criminalise hate speech

Hate speech polarizes communities and often leads to violence. Existing provisions in the Penal Code, Communications & Multimedia Act, Printing Presses & Publications Act  and the Sedition Act need to be buttressed by a new law.

12. Liberalise locus standi requirements to enable wrongdoers to be exposed and made accountable

Equality under the law refers to equal protection under the law as well as equal harssment under the law. Selective prosecution is a violation of our Constitution. There should be vigorous, impartial and speedy invoking of the law whenever race and religious harmony is intentionally breached. The statutory boards proposed above must be given statutory powers to prosecute. Citizens and citizens’ groups must be given locus standi to raise civil proceedings or private prosecutions. This may require an amendment to Article 145(3) which gives a monopoly to the Attorney-General to raise or discontinue criminal proceedings. 

13. Race and religion based political parties must open up to others

Dato’ Onn Jaffar was a visionary who sacrificed his political career for this cause. In the 70s the idea of ADMO (Alliance Direct Membership Organisation) was revived but didn’t go anywhere. The idea of Associate Membership of race and religious parties has been put forward in some States. It is time to allow these ideas to germinate.

In this day and age of humanism, race and religious polarisation, race and religious discrimination (other than affirmative action) are indeed rather odd.

14. We need to learn from others

In many societies including Singapore, UK and the USA, the law is being used to socially engineer a more tolerant society. There is no shame in emulating others and building our garland with flowers from many gardens.

15. We need leadership

Political leaders, media personalities and community chiefs must condemn hate crimes and hate speech immediately, strongly, publicly and consistently. They must send out a message of tolerance and restraint. It is not enought o ignore the ignorant and the extremists.

Finally to the young idealists present here I wish to quote Prophet Muhammad: “Four things support the world: the learning of the wise, the justice of the great, the prayers of the good, and the valor of the brave”.

Be  one of these four. May Allah be with you.   

Wednesday, 14 May 2014

Mengingati Mei 69 by Dato' Abdul Rahman Mohd Noor

A little slice of our real history as told by a Retired Civil Servant , written through his eyes as a young first year University Malaya student who was in Kuala Lumpur during the 13 May tragedy, a period in our nation's history so horrifying so traumatic that even 45 years later its scars had not healed as well as it should. 

Come join me to read this experience that Dato' Abdul Rahman for the first time, wanted to share with all Malaysians, perhaps we all could learn a thing or two for the future from what Dato' has written. 

Malaysia is big enough for all of us as long as we are willing to work hard for its harmony, unity and prosperity, never give in to the extremists among us who promises nothing but despair and disunity. 

Jemput membaca:


Kami perlu berterima kasih kepada pakcik pemandu Bas Sri Jaya kerana bertegas menyuruh kami beredar dari Lebuh Foch (Foch Avenue). Keputusan kami untuk menerima nasihat tersebut mungkin telah menyelamatkan 

Pada hari tersebut, Dato Harun Salim (bekas GM PKNS) dan saya telah bercadang untuk menyaksikan filem jam 03:15 petang di pawagam Jalan Petaling setelah selesai mendaftarkan diri untuk mengikiuti pengajian di Fakulti Ekonomi dan Pentadbiran Universiti Malaya.

Saya telah di hantar pulang ke rumah di No. 24, Jalan Watson (sekarang Jalan Hj Yahya) dan Dato Harun telah pulang ke rumahnya (kuarters kerajaan) di Jalan Peel (daerah Bukit Bintang).

Setelah di herdik dan di hina terutama sekali selepas pilihanraya oleh kaum cina dan india daripada parti-parti DAP, Socialis dan Gerakan,  Bangsa Melayu daripada UMNO telah membuat keputusan untuk mengadakan perarakan balas pada sebelah petang. Beberapa buah kereta dengan pembesar suara telah mengelilingi kawasan Kampung Baru,  untuk menjemput kaum lelaki mengambil bahagian dan berkumpul di Kediaman Rasmi Menteri Besar Selangor yang kurang daripada 100 meter daripada kediaman rumah saya. Kaum wanita dan anak-anak telah dinasihatkan supaya jangan keluar rumah untuk menjaga keselamatan mereka. Setakat jam 5 petang, sudah kelihatan tidak  lebih 300 orang berkumpul dengan keadaan yang penuh bersemangat.

Namun sebelum perarakan dapat dimulakan, pergaduhan telah tercetus di kawasan Chow Kit di mana dua yang tercedera parah telah di bawa ke kediaman rasmi Menteri Besar. Maka bermulalah insiden 13 Mei yang saya yakin tidak di rancang kerana perasaan marah peserta yang hadir telah tidak dapat di kawal lagi dan Jalan Raja Muda telah menjadi medan bangsa melayu melepaskan geram. 

Inilah pertama kali saya melihat sendiri kesan dan akibat amukan bangsa melayu yang diharapkan tidak akan berulang lagi. Banyak kenderaan telah di terbalikkan  dan di bakar serta penghuninya yang saya percaya tidak berdosa di bunuh. Beberapa orang yang cedera parah dan mengerang meminta pertolongan terdampar di  dalam longkang tepi jalan hingga keesokan harinya tanpa saya ketahui nasib mereka kerana perintah berkurung (curfew) telah diistiharkan lewat petang. 

Pengalaman saya sepanjang bulan Mei ketika itu telah banyak mempengaruhi ‘World Outlook’saya. Namun sikap dan pandangan saya yang ‘extreme’ banyak perlu penilaian semula setelah melalui pendedahan kepada pengalaman hidup yang lebih seimbang.

Dalam keadaan tidak menentu serta rusuhan yang tidak dapat di kawal, semua pihak sungguhpun tidak berdosa dan bersalah akan menerima padahnya. Saya sendiri telah menyaksikan trauma yang di alami terutama oleh kanak-kanak dan kaum wanita yang tinggal di sepanjang Jalan Raja Muda. Beberapa anak gadis telah di serang histeria yang terpaksa di pulihkan oleh arwah ayah saya yang pada ketika itu tinggal bersama-sama kami kerana telah ditukarkan sementara daripada Kuala Terengganu dan di tempatkan di Ibu Pejabat Jabatan Penerangan bagi memastikan beliau tidak mempengaruhi penduduk-penduduk kampung yang sebenarnya sudahpun condong kepada PAS.

Kami juga telah mengalami trauma kerana adik saya Abd Muttalib yang sedang mengikuti pengajian diploma Kejuruteraan di UTM hanya kembali ke rumah setalah dua hari terkandas di kawasan Jalan Padang Tembak (Jalan Gurney).

Terdapat juga beberapa orang cina yang berjaya di lindungi oleh penduduk Kampung Baru untuk beberapa hari sehingga keadaan membolehkan mereka pulang dengan selamat. 

Abang saya Tn. Hj Osman dan saya telah cuba mendapatkan bekalan daripada kedai runcit di kawasan Kampung Baru tetapi hanya berjaya membeli ½ kati kepala ikan bilis kerana semua bahan makanan telah habis dijual. Ini dapat kami lakukan dalam keadaan perintah berkurung setelah pasukan “Sarawak Rangers” yang di tugaskan di ganti dengan Regimen Askar Melayu DiRaja yang telah di arah untuk membenarkan penduduk bergerak bebas dalam kawasan Kampung Baru. 

Terdapat beberapa kumpulan daripada luar kawasan telah menawarkan perkhidmatan melindungi diri. Dengan bayaran RM 5 dan dengan keyakinan diri pelanggan boleh menjadi ‘kebal’, setelah menjalani ‘ritual’ di mana kedua tangan mereka akan di celup ke dalam kuali yang berisi minyak panas dan badan di tetak di bahagian perut, belakang dan lengan dengan parang tajam.

Perniaga-peniaga barangan runcit dan segar seperti ikan dan sayuran tumbuh seperti cendawan tetapi ianya hanya dapat bertahan selama 3 hingga 4 bulan sahaja kerana mereka gagal mengekalkan kesegaran barang jualan dan pembeli telah mula melanggani semula pasar Chow Kit yang di usahakan oleh kaum cina pada ketika itu.

Dato Harun Salim telah menceritakan bahawa pada hari tersebut, rumah kediamannya di Jalan Peel telah di pecah masuk dan barang berharga telah di curi. Namun setelah mendapat kata dua dan amaran daripada arwah bapanya yang juga merupakan pegawai rendah sukarela KD Sri Kelang dan dengan berbekalkan senjata serta diiringi dengan kereta perisai (ferret car) hampir semua barangan tersebut telah dikembalikan. Daripada kejadian ini saya dapat simpulkan bahawa kaum cina ketika itu mempunyai cara menguruskan hal ehwal tersendiri. Sungguhpun mereka tiada minat untuk memanjangkan konfrantasi dengan bangsa melayu tetapi mereka mempunyai kaedah tersendiri untuk mempertahankan kaum mereka. Inilah juga apa yang terjadi di kawasan Chow Kit kerana mereka telah bersedia dengan segala jenis senjata dan cara mereka mempertahankan diri dan kawasan amat tersusun.

Keputusan untuk mengistiharkan perintah berkurung (curfew) amat tepat sekali bagi mengelakkan pertempuran dan pertumpahan darah yang berpanjangan. 

Setelah di caci dan di hina, peristiwa bulan Mei tersebut telah mengembalikan maruah dan harga  diri bangsa melayu terutama sekali di kawasan Kampung Baru. Semangat perpaduan di kalangan orang-orang melayu amat tinggi sekali pada ketika itu.

Alangkah eloknya jika pemimpin melayu ketika itu mengambil kesempatan dan berjaya untuk mula memperkenalkan konsep Perpaduan Nasional dengan mewujudkan  semangat patriotisma (Cinta Kepada Negara) yang tulen berteraskan dan berlandaskan kepada kebudayaan dan adat resam nenek moyang kita.

Saya berani mengatakan bahawa apa juga ‘strategi dan  program yang hendak  dilaksanakan untuk mencapai perpaduan nasional beracuankan kepada kehendak kaum terbanyak lebih mudah di terima 45 tahun dahulu jika dibandingkan sekarang, oleh kerana sudah wujud jurang perbezaan yang amat sukar di sepakati. 

InsyaAllah kita akan dapat mengwujudkan perpaduan nasional di hari mendatang. Namun ia akan memakan masa yang lama dan corak serta bentuknya akan dipengaruhi oleh kesepakatan (concensus) yang akan digunakan sebagai batu asas (foundation) kelak.

Saya berdoa agar satu hari nanti semua rakyat akan dengan senada dan seirama melaungkan slogan “Malaysia Ku” (My Malaysia) tanpa ragu-ragu.



Dato' Abdul Rahman Mohd Noor retired as a TKSU MOT and even 10 years after his retirement still lives a wholesome and active life still contributing to our nation in his own special way.